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Концептуальний підхід у реформуванні пенітенціарної системи Фінляндії

dc.contributor.authorРоманов, Михайлоuk
dc.contributor.authorRomanov, Mykhailoen
dc.date.accessioned2026-10-01T10:19:40Z
dc.date.issued2026
dc.descriptionСтаття надійшла до редакції: 2.04.2026. Прийнята до друку: 13.05.2026. Дата публікації (оприлюднення): 25.05.2026.uk
dc.description.abstractВ Україні знов активізувалися процеси реформування пенітенціарної системи. Наразі готується проєкт закону «Про пенітенціарну систему». У зв’язку з цим особливо важливим стає вивчення та врахування позитивного досвіду інших країн, яким вдалося успішно пройти цей шлях. Дослідження присвячено розгляду підходів та методів, які були використані під час запровадження реформ у тюремній системі Фінляндії. Ця країна ще п’ятдесят років тому мала найвищий показник засуджених до позбавлення волі серед країн Європи. Але прагматичний підхід до реформ, їх чітке концептуальне усвідомлення та обґрунтування, послідовне впровадження призвели до того, що сьогодні ця країна є одним із взірців функціонуючої та ефективної служби з виконання покарань. Причому ця система не має ознак каральності та високого рівня порушень прав людини. У статті відзначається, що саме формулювання концепції та очікувань від пенітенціарної системи, а також врахування готовності суспільства підтримувати саме такий напрям діяльності, призвели до успішності перетворень. Пенітенціарна система Фінляндії побудована на принципах скорочення строків позбавлення волі і скорочення випадків застосування цього покарання. Воно здебільшого заміняється штрафами, а у разі реального застосування – передбачає можливість переходу до більш м’яких санкцій чи навіть звільнення. Система ґрунтується на гуманному ставленні до засуджених, їх повній підтримці та готовності приймати у вільне суспільство без суттєвих заперечень. Фінський варіант суспільства «загального добробуту» має розгалужену та добре побудовану систему соціальної підтримки, яка готова до роботи із засудженими. Також підкреслюється, що такий підхід в цілому є результатом того, що Фінляндія належить до країн так званих консенсуальних демократій, що в цілому зумовлює застосування інших методів вирішення соціальних проблем та викликів. Загальним висновком у статті є акцентування уваги на тому, що досвід інших країн є вкрай важливим для успішних реформ та змін. У той самий час Україна має значні соціальні та політичні відмінності, які сьогодні помножені на поточний воєнний стан. Всі ці особливості потрібно, безумовно, брати до уваги, але це не означає, що використання позитивних прикладів не може бути враховано. Тому пропонується починати реформу пенітенціарної служби саме з визначення довготривалої та стійкої концепції функціонування цієї служби, послідовної інтеграції пенітенціарної системи в загальну структуру соціальних інститутів, встановлення сталих та надійних зв’язків між цими інститутами.uk
dc.description.abstractIn Ukraine, the process of reforming the penitentiary system has been revitalised. A draft law ’On the Penitentiary System’ is currently being prepared. In this regard, it is particularly important to study and take into account the positive experience of other countries that have successfully gone down this path. This study examines the approaches and methods used in the implementation of reforms in the Finnish prison system. Fifty years ago, this country had the highest rate of prisoners in Europe. However, pragmatic approach to reforms, their clear conceptual understanding and justification, and consistent implementation have led to this country now being one of the models of a functioning and effective penal service. Moreover, this system does not have any signs of punitiveness or a high level of human rights violations. The article notes that it was precisely the formulation of the concept and expectations of the penitentiary system, as well as taking into account the willingness of society to support this particular direction of activity, that led to the success of the reforms. The Finnish penitentiary system is based on the principles of reducing prison terms and reducing the use of this punishment. In most cases, it is replaced by fines, and in cases of actual application, it provides for the possibility of transition to milder sanctions or release. The system is based on a humane attitude towards convicts, their full support and readiness to accept them into a free society without significant objections. The Finnish version of a ’welfare society’ has a complex and well-developed social support system that is ready to work with convicts. It is also emphasised that this approach is largely the result of Finland being one of the so-called consensual democracies, which generally necessitates the use of different methods to address social problems and challenges. The overall conclusion of the article is that the experience of other countries is extremely important for successful reforms and changes. At the same time, Ukraine has significant social and political differences, which are now compounded by the current state of war. All these features must certainly be taken into account, but this does not mean that positive examples cannot be considered. Therefore, it is proposed to begin the reform of the penitentiary service by defining a long-term and sustainable concept for the functioning of this service, consistently integrating the penitentiary system into the overall structure of social institutions, and establishing stable and reliable links between these institutions.en
dc.format.extentС. 256–264
dc.identifier.citationРоманов М. Концептуальний підхід у реформуванні пенітенціарної системи Фінляндії // Питання боротьби зі злочинністю : зб. наук. пр. – Харків : Право, 2026. – Вип. 51. – С. 256–264. – DOI: https://doi.org/10.31359/2079.6242.2025.51.256uk
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.31359/2079.6242.2025.51.256
dc.identifier.issn2079-6242
dc.identifier.urihttps://dspace.ivpz.kh.ua/handle/123456789/216
dc.language.isouk
dc.publisherПравоuk
dc.relation.ispartofПитання боротьби зі злочинністю. Випуск 51 (2026)uk
dc.rightsCC BY 4.0
dc.rights.urihttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
dc.subjectпенітенціарна системаuk
dc.subjectреформа системи тюрем у Фінляндіїuk
dc.subjectконцепція пенітенціарної системиuk
dc.subjectреформа пенітенціарної системи України. Стаття надійшла до редакції: 2.04.2026 р. Прийнята до друку: 13.05.2026 р. Дата публікації (оприлюднення): 25.05.2026 рuk
dc.subjectpenitentiary systemen
dc.subjectprison system reform in Finlanden
dc.subjectpenitentiary system concepten
dc.subjectpenitentiary system reform in Ukraine. Problem statement. The penitentiary system of Ukraine has been and remains one of the most painful issues for the Ukrainian state. Ukraine has been making attempts to reform this system since gaining independence. At the same timeen
dc.subjectit is impossible to speak of the success of these efforts. The enforcement of criminal penalties remains in an inadequate state to this day. Currentlyen
dc.subjectinitiative groups from various social institutions have begun preparing and reviewing a draft law on the penitentiary system. Howeveren
dc.subjecteven a brief review of the draft shows that it has been poorly designed and will not resolve the issue of reforming and implementing a system that meets democratic standards of legality and humanism. We have already noted this earlier [1]. The central issue in connection with the reformatting of the penitentiary system is to clarify why this system existsen
dc.subjectwhat goals it seeks to achieveen
dc.subjectwhat methods it will use to achieve themen
dc.subjectwhat society expects from iten
dc.subjectand what society is prepared to do to achieve this goal. We believe that in order to answer certain questionsen
dc.subjectit is advisable to refer to the experience of other countries that have faced similar problems. Studying this experience will be useful for developing our own approach that takes into account Ukrainian realities and characteristics. After allen
dc.subjectwe propose to study the experience of reforming the prison system of the Republic of Finland. State of development of the issue. The issue of studying the experience of European countries in reforming their prison systems has always been the focus of research by domestic lawyers. At the same timeen
dc.subjectwe have almost no comprehensive and systematic studies of these issues. There are only a few publications that provide examples of prison systems in individual European countriesen
dc.subjectin particular Swedenen
dc.subjectNorwayen
dc.subjectItalyen
dc.subjectBelgiumen
dc.subjectetc. Among the authors are Y. P. Krysiuken
dc.subjectO. V. Lysodeden
dc.subjectM. V. Romanoven
dc.subjectA. Kh. Stepanuken
dc.subjectI. S. Yakovets. Howeveren
dc.subjectin all of their worksen
dc.subjectresearchers usually focused on specific features of the penitentiary systems of other countriesen
dc.subjecton the types of punishments and alternative sanctions that exist thereen
dc.subjectand on the measures of influence applied to convicts. And they almost never paid attention to the conceptual differences in approaches to building the systemen
dc.subjectto the idea underlying the enforcement of criminal penalties. The purpose of this article is to examineen
dc.subjectfirst and foremosten
dc.subjectthe conceptual basis of the Finnish prison systemen
dc.subjectwhich ’worked’ both during the active phase of reforms and has been preserved to this dayen
dc.subjectcreating a reliable and stable social background for the entire prison system as a social institution in Finland. Presentation of the main material In the early 1950sen
dc.subjectthere were about 200 prisoners per 100en
dc.subject000 inhabitants in Finlanden
dc.subjectcompared to about 50 in Swedenen
dc.subjectDenmarken
dc.subjectNorway and Japan. Even in the 1970sen
dc.subjectthe proportion of prisoners in the Finnish population remained the highest in Western Europe. But then the situation changed: while the prison population was growing in most European countriesen
dc.subjectthe number of prisoners in Finland was declining. In the early 1990sen
dc.subjectFinland reached the Scandinavian level of 60 prisoners per 100en
dc.subject000 inhabitants. The first thing to note is that such a radical change cannot be explaineden
dc.subjectas is often assumeden
dc.subjectby a decline in crime. As the number of prisoners in Finland decreaseden
dc.subjectthe crime rate increased [2en
dc.subjectp.4]. This quote from the work of Finnish researcher Tapio Lappi-Seppälä clearly illustrates the situation with the Finnish penal systemen
dc.subjectwhich between 1970 and 1990 went from having the highest rate of imprisonment per 100en
dc.subject000 inhabitants to one of the lowest rates in Europe. We are well aware that statistical indicators do not always reflect the success of reforms and their positive social impact. And although in the case of Finland all these indicators coincided (the reform was successful and its social impact was positive)en
dc.subjectwhen planning any changesen
dc.subjectit is necessary to take into account the aspirations and expectations associated with themen
dc.subjectas well as their consequences. This indicates the need for an ideology of future transformations. A major impetus for the formation of an ideologyen
dc.subjector rather a concept (since the word ’ideology’ currently has negative connotations)en
dc.subjectis the social demand for transformationen
dc.subjectthe desire and readiness of society to change the situation. Finnish researchers understood this key condition well and considered it to be the main prerequisite for future success. The possibility of implementing a series of reforms aimed at reducing the level of repression became a reality only because the groups of experts responsible for planning the reforms or those who dealt with the issue of crime control in research institutes and universities were almost unanimous in their conviction that the high proportion of prisoners in the Finnish population compared to other countries is a disgraceen
dc.subjectthe number of prison sentences and their length can be significantly reduced without worsening the crime situation. This belief was shared by civil servantsen
dc.subjectthe judiciaryen
dc.subjectprison authorities anden
dc.subjectnot leasten
dc.subjectpoliticiansen
dc.subjectnotes Patrick Tornudd [3en
dc.subjectp. 5]. Such unanimity in views on the penitentiary system already indicated the future success of the reformen
dc.subjectas it reflected the existence of social demand for change and readiness for it. Unfortunatelyen
dc.subjectwe cannot say that such an attitude towards similar issues exists in Ukraine. As we begin this brief studyen
dc.subjectwe would like to emphasize once again that we believe in the decisive role of developing and implementing a concept for the enforcement of sentences. Moreoveren
dc.subjectwe are not talking about a ’transitional’ concepten
dc.subjectthe main idea of which is that we expect rapid changes in the current situation or demonstrate vigilance and attention to the problemen
dc.subjectand then we are not very interested in what will happen because we will no longer be managing this system and researching it. We mean a concept that will lay the foundation for this activity for a more or less long period of time. And that is why it must first be thought outen
dc.subjectresearcheden
dc.subjectformulateden
dc.subjectand then properly implemented and supported. This will allow the reforms to remain sustainable. I started with this in order to focus immediately on the methodological approaches used by lawyers and academics in other countries and the narratives they used as a basis for reforming prison systems. It is important to keep this emphasis in mind because legal systems are differenten
dc.subjectand we are not trying to compare them or draw parallels regarding possible borrowings. We are trying to demonstrate something elseen
dc.subjectnamely how the thinking of lawyers and academics evolved during the reform of the prison system. In connection with the success of the Finnish reformen
dc.subjectPatrick Tormund notes: countries… differ sharply in terms of political cultureen
dc.subjectpeople’s fear of crimeen
dc.subjectlevels of institutional and interpersonal trusten
dc.subjectsocial policyen
dc.subjectincome distributionen
dc.subjectand the nature of media reporting on crime. Research by criminologists shows that these factors determine criminal policy. Furthermoreen
dc.subjectit is more important to understand the ideological factors behind the reduction in the prison population than to delve into its technical details [3en
dc.subjectp. 7]. Here we see an example of prioritising conceptual and methodological approaches. After allen
dc.subjectthe concept behind the construction of a new penitentiary system is its non-mass nature. Finnish lawmakers seek to create a system that is not focused on isolating people who have committed crimes from society. This conceptual approach also determines the methods and strategy for further action. As another Finnish researcheren
dc.subjectTapio LappiSeppäläen
dc.subjectconfidently notesen
dc.subjectthe number of prisoners and their share of the population cannot be explained by the state of crime. This is the result of political processesen
dc.subjectbut they can also be influenced [2en
dc.subjectp. 9]. It should be noteden
dc.subjectand we consider this extremely important for understanding and comprehending the failures of almost all efforts at reformen
dc.subjectparticularly of Ukraine’s penitentiary systemen
dc.subjectthat national legislators never begin with such steps. In Ukraineen
dc.subjectany reform is carried out in a ’plugging holes’ mode. They are reactive. There is an urgent needen
dc.subjectit is solved in the short termen
dc.subjectcreating a quick buten
dc.subjectunfortunatelyen
dc.subjectunsustainable effect that disappears very quickly and sometimes even leads to unexpected negative consequences. Unfortunatelyen
dc.subjectthere are many such examples in Ukraine. In particularen
dc.subjectthe reform of prison medicineen
dc.subjectwhich resulted in the creation of the Central Medical Centre of the State Penitentiary Service as a separate autonomous structural unit of the State Penitentiary Service. Todayen
dc.subjectwe can see that this reform has failed for a number of reasons. Firstlyen
dc.subjectit does not comply with European standardsen
dc.subjectaccording to which medical care for prisoners should not differ from medical care for free people in terms of its sourceen
dc.subjectscope or quality. Secondlyen
dc.subjectthe special medical structure of the State Penitentiary Service was not adequately equipped and in fact does not have the capacity to actually perform the tasks assigned to it. After allen
dc.subjectthe need to reform the healthcare system for convicts is currently being discussed again. Another striking example is the introduction of probation in Ukraine. Although it has been in place for over a decadeen
dc.subjectprobation has unfortunately failed to become a transformative tool for the penal system or to exert a significant impact on it. This is largely due to the fact that probation is still perceived as a mere ’continuation’ of administrative supervisionen
dc.subjectconflated with the legacy of correctional labour. Let’s return to the Finnish experience. The next important point in their approach is a list of very meaningful criteria that help to determine the direction and path of change and fill it with relevant content. As Tormund notesen
dc.subjectcriminological criteria are key in this regard. Research into relevant social relations based on these criteria can provide information that is necessary not only to clarify the differences between countries and approachesen
dc.subjectbut also to understand the needs of Ukrainian society and formulate a concept for the future penitentiary system and the enforcement of sentences. Takeen
dc.subjectfor exampleen
dc.subjectthe type of political culture. According to research by Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba [4]en
dc.subjectthere are three types of political culture: patriarchal – citizens have little interest in politics and do not participate in iten
dc.subjectsubservient – people are aware of the authorities but are passive and do not influence political processesen
dc.subjectactivist (participatory) – citizens actively participate in political life. Based on this classificationen
dc.subjectit is evident that depending on the political culture prevailing in a particular countryen
dc.subjectthe measures implementeden
dc.subjectthe methods of their implementationen
dc.subjectthe mechanisms ensuring the functioning of the relevant institutionsen
dc.subjectand society’s expectations of the measures introduced will vary. To characterise Ukraine according to these groupsen
dc.subjectof courseen
dc.subjecta thorough study is neededen
dc.subjectbut in any caseen
dc.subjectit can be said with confidence that the current national political culture is mixed with a significant tendency towards activity. This is especially noticeable during the waren
dc.subjectwhen society is in a state of mobilisation. Thereforeen
dc.subjectUkrainian society is far from calmen
dc.subjectwhich leads to rather chaotic and hasty responses to challenges. Ukraine also exhibits signs of so-called ’majoritarian’ democraciesen
dc.subjectwhich are characterised by populismen
dc.subjectreactionary methods of actionen
dc.subjectand speculation on crisis issues. In facten
dc.subjectsince the last years of the USSR and up to the present dayen
dc.subjectthe topic of crisisen
dc.subjectthe need for immediate change and reform has remained at the forefront of the political and media space. This is almost always the topic of discussion. In majority democraciesen
dc.subjectthere is more ’talk of crisis’en
dc.subjectmore criticismen
dc.subjectmore short-term decisionsen
dc.subjectand more direct appeals to public demands. Consensus democraciesen
dc.subjecton the other handen
dc.subjectsoften contradictionsen
dc.subjectgenerate less ’crisis talk’en
dc.subjectprevent dramatic upheavalsen
dc.subjectand promote long-term consistent policies. In other wordsen
dc.subjectconsensus democracies are less susceptible to political populism. In facten
dc.subjectlow incarceration rates are a by-product of consensualen
dc.subjectcorporatist political cultures in which negotiation practices play an important role [5en
dc.subjectp. 64]. The same is true of the other criteria highlighted by Tormund. These include the level of fear of crimeen
dc.subjectthe state of social policyen
dc.subjectthe distribution of wealthen
dc.subjectand the nature of media reports on crime. All these factors make it clear that it is very difficult to draw parallels between reforms in different countriesen
dc.subjectand even more difficult to do so when it comes to prison systems. The latter are always sore points in societyen
dc.subjectbecause it is in prison systems that those who are in conflict with the law and society find themselvesen
dc.subjectand therefore are by default in a state of dissonance. Howeveren
dc.subjectI would particularly like to focus on one factor that determines approaches to reforming the prison systemen
dc.subjectnamely the level of institutional and interpersonal trust. Thereforeen
dc.subjectwhen discussing Ukraine and taking into account the above-mentioned featureen
dc.subjectit must be acknowledged that institutional trust is lacking at the national level. In my article The Carceral Continuum and the Penitentiary System in Ukraine [6]en
dc.subjectI described how the failure of Ukrainian reforms in the penitentiary sphere is largely due to the lack of institutional links between law enforcement agencies and other social infrastructure entities. As for interpersonal trusten
dc.subjectit is the basis of any successful interaction in any social relationship. Finnish criminologists were well aware of this. Tapio Lappi-Seppälä notes that trust also has a social dimension. Trust in peopleen
dc.subjectfears and calls for severity are interrelated. The decline in trust in many Western countries since the 1960s is linked to the weakening of community tiesen
dc.subjectthe rise of individualism and the ’culture of fear’. In a world where bonds of solidarity are weakeningen
dc.subjectother people begin to seem like strangers rather than friends. We don’t know who to trust [5en
dc.subjectp.62]. In this senseen
dc.subjectthe events of recent years have worked against the expansion and strengthening of trust. The past ’pandemic’en
dc.subjectwhich introduced processes of alienationen
dc.subjectas well as the total obsession with ’digitalization’en
dc.subjectreinforces this trend and deepens both general and individual mistrust. Incidentallyen
dc.subjectagainst the backdrop of these eventsen
dc.subjectas well as the waren
dc.subjectwe are already seeing an increase in repression and a rollback of the idea of human ’rights’. Ukrainian society is steeped in mistrust. In the context of this studyen
dc.subjectthe main point is that there is a deep distrust of the authorities and the actions they implement. The lack of trust in government institutions leads to each of these institutions becoming ’encapsulated’en
dc.subjectforming a small but highly autonomous micro-system that begins to ’work’ for selfpreservation. This is clearly evident in the actions of the prison system. Its apologists actively resist any Примітка. На нашу думкуen
dc.subjectце є однією з головних причин стійкості феномену корупції. Саме недовіра до владиen
dc.subjectнебажання контактувати з суб’єктами владної діяльностіen
dc.subjectзневірення в теen
dc.subjectщо влада буде дотримуватися вимог закону та діяти належним чиномen
dc.subjectвикликає потребу «вирішувати питання» в інший спосіб: громадяни шукають інші шляхи досягнення цілейen
dc.subjectуникаючи прямих контактів із представниками влади. changes that could threaten the integrity of the system or actively interfere with its activities. There are many similar examples in Ukraine. Among them are the constant attempts by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine and the State Penitentiary Service to restrict the right to visit penal institutions with monitoring visitsen
dc.subjectwhich is enshrined in Article 24 of the Penal Code of Ukraine and which today is not only an effective mechanism for influencing the administration of institutionsen
dc.subjectbut also a lever for positive changes throughout the system [7]. Incidentallyen
dc.subjectthe possibility of visiting penal institutionsen
dc.subjectprovided for in Article 24 of the Criminal Executive Code of Ukraineen
dc.subjectcan be called one of the most striking achievements of Ukraine’s criminal executive legislation. In many Western European countriesen
dc.subjectit is much more difficult for representatives of civil society to visit prisons than in Ukraine. Another example is the recent trend towards the creation of separate operational and investigative units within the structure of the State Penitentiary Service [8]. The creation of such units is contrary to European standards in the field of human rights and the principles of operation of penitentiary institutions (prisons). As a general ruleen
dc.subjectthe function of enforcing sentences cannot be combined with the function of investigation. After allen
dc.subjectthe investigating body must be independent of the prison administration (in the broadest sense). European prison rules also require the separation of prison staff and investigative bodies in order to avoid conflicts of interest and the concealment of violations. The examples given clearly illustrate the attempts of the Ukrainian prison system to become autonomous and separate itself from societyen
dc.subjectto remain a closed system. Each country has its own specific characteristics and peculiaritiesen
dc.subjectwhich must be taken into account when implementing reforms. Howeveren
dc.subjectthis does not mean or deny that the experience of other countries is not acceptable. Quite the contrary. We must use this experience and formulate our own concept for reforming the penitentiary systemen
dc.subjectwhich will be based on the objectives set for the enforcement of sentences and the expectations of the activities of the bodies and institutions that carry out this activity. Finland acted very pragmatically. A general goal was set – to reduce the number of convicts serving long prison sentences. Moreoveren
dc.subjectit seems that in formulating this goalen
dc.subjectthe Finns were not particularly concerned with linking it to the overall goal of crime control and had no illusions that reducing the number of prisoners serving long sentences would have any lasting correlation with the crime situation or a significant impact on crime rates. They were and remain very sober in their approach and understand that the phenomena of crime and criminal punishment are not closely linked. Thereforeen
dc.subjectin this senseen
dc.subjectthey did not have any excessive hopes or expectations. At the same timeen
dc.subjectit should be emphasized that this campaign was conducted under the leadership of expert researchersen
dc.subjectin particular criminologists. They provided the conceptual basis by researching and explaining all the main features and social trendsen
dc.subjectidentifying influential factors and circumstancesen
dc.subjectand the characteristics of criminal policy. As a resulten
dc.subjectthe Finnish Criminal Law Committeeen
dc.subjectwhich in 1976 presented its plan for a radical change to the Finnish Criminal Codeen
dc.subjectexpressed its confidence that the criminal justice system is not the onlyen
dc.subjector even the mainen
dc.subjectinstrument of social control over people’s behaviour [9en
dc.subjectp.41]. A very important featureen
dc.subjectwhich in a sense may surprise Ukrainian lawyersen
dc.subjectis that criminal legislation in Finland had a fairly high punitive threshold before the reforms. In particularen
dc.subjectcriminal law provided for sanctions in the form of imprisonment for drinking alcohol in public places (places of general use)en
dc.subjectand imprisonment was also possible for non-payment of fines and driving a vehicle while intoxicated (even without consequences)en
dc.subjectetc. The terms of punishment were long. Of courseen
dc.subjectunder such conditionsen
dc.subjectthe statistics on imprisonment were negative. But despite thisen
dc.subjectthe Finns did not turn the reform of criminal law and the penitentiary system into something it was not and could not become. Namelyen
dc.subjectthe ’fight against crime’. It seems that this was one of the components of the success of the Finnish reform. After allen
dc.subjectit did not turn into a sloganen
dc.subjectand very pragmatic results were expected from it. Thusen
dc.subjectScandinavian criminal policy is an example of a pragmatic and non-moralising approach with a clear focus on social policy. It reflects the values of the Scandinavian ideal of a welfare state and adheres to the principle that measures against social marginalization and inequality are also measures against crime. Very frank questions were asked: if in all other respects we advocate policies based on the principles of social equalityen
dc.subjectintegration of citizensen
dc.subjectsolidarityen
dc.subjectrespect for equality and humanityen
dc.subjectwhy do we make exceptions for convictsen
dc.subjectwhy do we pay so little attention to those same values when implementing criminal policy? It is emphasized that crime control and criminal policy are matters of social justiceen
dc.subjectnot simply a matter of controlling dangerous individuals. Such liberal policies are in many ways a feature of developed welfare states and political cultures based on consensus and corporatism. These structural conditions have enabled (and support) tolerant policiesen
dc.subjectthe development of alternatives to imprisonmenten
dc.subjectand promote trust and legitimacy. All this reduces the tension in the political system associated with the need for symbolic actions and makes it possible to comply with norms based on legitimacy and consent rather than fear. Inkeri Anttila notes that it is important to remember that prisoners are the scapegoats of the existing system. Firstlyen
dc.subjectthey suffer for all those offenders who will never be arrested and brought to justice. Secondlyen
dc.subjectthey are sent to prison for all those members of society who did not become offenders because they received a better education or live in more favorable social conditions. Since prisoners serve as a warning to everyone elseen
dc.subjectthe burden placed on their shoulders must be lightened. The average length of prison sentences should be reduced. Prisoners should be provided with good conditions in prisons and should be able to receive psychological and psychiatric help if they want it. They should be helped when they are releaseden
dc.subjectand some of them may even be provided with a pension after very long prison terms that have led to social incapacity. We should also focus our efforts on minimizing the negative effects of imprisonmenten
dc.subject’prisonization’ (something like resocialisation inside the prison). The longer the prison termen
dc.subjectthe more important it is to ensure normal prison conditions [10en
dc.subjectp. 193]. Patrick Tornud adds: Unfortunatelyen
dc.subjectthere is a common misconception that helping victims always or in most cases means that something must be taken away from the perpetrator. Rhetorical questions about whose side we are onen
dc.subjectthe victims’ or the perpetrators’en
dc.subjectare usually irrelevanten
dc.subjectespecially when considering the need to improve the victim’s situation. We should not take something away from someone in order to help a victim of crime [11en
dc.subjectp.175]. Other factors contributing to Scandinavian leniency include the strong influence of expertsen
dc.subjectthe balanced position of the media and demographic homogeneity [2en
dc.subjectp. 17]. Incidentallyen
dc.subjectall of the outlined features and differences between various conceptual and political approaches are based on solid research. Joachim Vogel distinguishes between Northern Europeanen
dc.subjectSouthern European and Western European clusters. The Northern European cluster (Scandinavian countries) is characterised by ’high levels of social spending and labour market participationen
dc.subjectweak family tiesen
dc.subjectrelatively low levels of class and income inequalityen
dc.subjectlow poverty ratesen
dc.subjectbut high levels of inequality between younger and older generations’. The Southern European cluster (Greeceen
dc.subjectItalyen
dc.subjectPortugal and Spain) is characterised by significantly lower spending on general welfareen
dc.subjectlower employment ratesen
dc.subjectstronger family tiesen
dc.subjecthigher levels of class and income inequalityen
dc.subjecthigher poverty ratesen
dc.subjectbut low levels of intergenerational inequality. The Western European cluster (Austriaen
dc.subjectBelgiumen
dc.subjectGreat Britainen
dc.subjectGermanyen
dc.subjectIrelanden
dc.subjectLuxembourgen
dc.subjectthe Netherlandsen
dc.subjectFrance) occupies a middle position. Howeveren
dc.subjectGreat Britain is on the borderline with the southern cluster in terms of income equalityen
dc.subjectpoverty and class inequality [12en
dc.subject13]. Thereforeen
dc.subjectthe approach taken by the Scandinavian countriesen
dc.subjectand Finland in particularen
dc.subjectis based on a conceptually different view of people who have committed crimesen
dc.subjectan understanding of their place in the social architecture and an attempt to keep them as members of society. The Finns do not seek to distance themselves from such people or exclude them from social life. They recognise and accept the fact that these people areen
dc.subjectin a senseen
dc.subjecta product of social lifeen
dc.subjectthat they fulfil their function in iten
dc.subjectlive the life that is available to themen
dc.subjectand cannot in any way be considered superfluousen
dc.subjectunnecessaryen
dc.subjectuselessen
dc.subjector something to be got rid of. After allen
dc.subjectthe view is humanistic. From the point of view of viewing such people as a ’burden’ on the state and societyen
dc.subjecta very pragmatic approach is again professed. Tapio Lappi-Seppälä explains this approach: the link between the costs of ensuring general welfare and the number of prisoners is well conveyed by the old slogan: ’The best criminal policy is good social policy.’ This is just a different way of saying that it would be better for society to invest more money in schoolsen
dc.subjectsocial work and family support than in prisons. Criminal policy that adheres to the principles of general welfare isen
dc.subjectby definitionen
dc.subjectless repressive [5en
dc.subjectp. 52]. Looking at the situation in Ukraine through this prismen
dc.subjectwe are unfortunately forced to conclude that there is currently no unified concept for reforming the penitentiary system in Ukraine. Even the existence of such acts as the Strategy for Reforming the Penitentiary System for the Period until 2026 (Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1153-r of 16 December 2022) and the initiation of consideration of the draft law ’On the Penitentiary System’ does not resolve this issue. Neither of these acts contains a longterm strategy based on an understanding of the purpose of the penitentiary system and the goal of punishmenten
dc.subjectan understanding of who the people who have committed crimes areen
dc.subjectwhat to ’do’ with them and how to integrate them into societyen
dc.subjectwhether society fears them and what it expects from themen
dc.subjectwhether society is ready to accept such people and live alongside them? There are many questions that need to be answered before real reform measures can be implemented. This issue will become particularly relevant in the near futureen
dc.subjectwhen a large number of men who defended Ukraine with weapons in their hands and who have had traumatic experiences of violence and crueltyen
dc.subjectwho over the years have become accustomed to resolving disputes and confrontations by forceen
dc.subjectusing weaponsen
dc.subjectreturn to civilian life. The future concept of reforming the penitentiary system must include those who may break the law from among former military personnel and be able to work with such people without stigmatising them as criminals. Conclusions. I would like to emphasize once again that the material presented in this study should not be taken as a call to copy Finland’s example or as a thesis that Ukraine is incapable of defining its own concept of punishment and its implementation. This material illustrates that no reform implemented in society can be viewed in isolation from other social processes. When reforming the penitentiary systemen
dc.subjectwe must understand that it is one of the institutions of the state. Moreoveren
dc.subjectthis institution is very complex anden
dc.subjectin facten
dc.subjectinfluential. The impact of the prison system is felt by all other state institutions. And the more Ukraine tries to move forward with state reformsen
dc.subjectespecially if the benchmark for such reforms is the democratic countries of Europeen
dc.subjectthe more we must realize that we will have to work comprehensivelyen
dc.subjectsimultaneously reforming a large number of other institutions and relationships. As demonstrated in the articleen
dc.subjectthe reform of the penitentiary system in Finland began with the laying of conceptual foundations that provided for the ’integration’ of the penitentiary system into the general social policy of the state and viewed convicts as those who should be included in an extensive network of social services and initiatives. And this is what had a positive effect. Althoughen
dc.subjectif we are honest and franken
dc.subjectthe Finns ended up with low statistics on prison sentences but a heavy burden on the social services and mechanisms that had been created. Howeveren
dc.subjectthis situation is not a problem for the Scandinavian countries. It is precisely because of the existence of an extensive network of social services and mechanisms that they are called ’welfare states.’ It seems that the key lesson to be learned from the Finnish experience is the conceptual and comprehensive approach to reformen
dc.subjectas well as the broad involvement of researchersen
dc.subjectparticularly criminologistsen
dc.subjectin such reforms. This last feature was almost key to the success of the Finnish reforms. They were and remain confident that countries where professionals and researchers in relevant fields of knowledge are involved in shaping the direction of reforms have a deeper understanding of issues such as crime and criminal policy. Unfortunatelyen
dc.subjectwe cannot be proud of this in Ukraine. Moreoveren
dc.subjectwe are currently witnessing the curtailment of legal education programmes and the exclusion of criminology from the curriculum studied by lawyersen
dc.subjectwhile the value of legal knowledge and the legal profession has declined in recent years. All this may lead to negative consequences in the near future and does not contribute to the successful implementation of legal reforms. Howeveren
dc.subjectthis in no way negates the need to define a long-term and sustainable concept for the functioning of the penitentiary systemen
dc.subjectits consistent integration into the overall structure of social institutionsen
dc.subjectand the establishment of stable and reliable links between these institutions. СПИСОК БІБЛІОГРАФІЧНИХ ПОСИЛАНЬ: 1. Романов М. В. Біг по колу: що не так з проєктом Закону «Про пенітенціарну систему»: матеріали ІV Всеук. наук-практ. конф. (м. Хмельницькийen
dc.subject13 березня 2026) «Актуальні проблеми правоохоронної діяльності в умовах дії правового режиму воєнного стану». Хмельницький: Нац. академ. держ. прикордон. служби. 2026 2. Lappi-Seppäläen
dc.subjectTapio. Controlling Prisoner Rates: Experiences from Finland // UNAFEI Resource Material Series. No. 74. 2008. P. 3–19. (in English) 3. Törnudden
dc.subjectP. Fifteen years of decreasing prisoner rates in Finland. Helsinki: National Research Institute of Legal Policyen
dc.subject1993. (in English) 4. Almonden
dc.subjectG. Aen
dc.subject& Verbaen
dc.subjectS. The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton University Press. 1963. 574 (in English) 5. Lappi-Seppäläen
dc.subjectTapio. Explaining National Differences in the Use of Imprisonment // Sonja Snackenen
dc.subjectEls Dumortier (eds.)en
dc.subjectResisting Punitive ness in Europe? Welfareen
dc.subjectHuman Rights and Democracy. London: Routledgeen
dc.subject2011. P. 35–72. (in English) 6. Romanoven
dc.subjectM. The Carceral Continuum and the Penitentiary System in Ukraine. Problems of Legalityen
dc.subject(168)en
dc.subject2025. 212–242. http://plaw.nlu.edu.ua/article/view/325284 (in English) 7. Вхід заборонено! Або трохи про зміни до ст. 24 КВК України. URL: https://archive.khpg.org/pk/index. php?id=1556871823 8. Євген Пікалов: реформа пенітенціарної системи є частиної дорожньої карти європейської інтеграції. URL: https://sud.ua/uk/news/publication/325628-evgeniy-pikalov-reforma-penitentsiarnoy-sistemy-yavlyaetsya-chastyudorozhnoy-karty-evropeyskoy-integratsii 9. Rikosoikeuskomitean mietintö. Komiteanmietintö 1976:72. Helsinkien
dc.subject1977. 334 (in Finnish) 10. Anttilaen
dc.subjectInkeri. Control without repression? // Prisons Past and Future. Edited by John C. Freeman. Cambridge Studies in Criminology. London: Heinemannen
dc.subject1978. P. 189–197. 11. Törnudden
dc.subjectPatrik. Setting Realistic Policy Goals // Törnudden
dc.subjectPatrik. Factsen
dc.subjectValues and Visions: Essays in Criminology and Crime Policy. Hel sinki: National Research Institute of Legal Policyen
dc.subject1996. P. 163–180. 12. Vogelen
dc.subjectJ. Welfare institutions and inequality in the European Union: a lesson for developing countries // Carluccien
dc.subjectFen
dc.subjectMarzanoen
dc.subjectF. (eds) Povertyen
dc.subjectgrowth and welfare in the world economy in the 21st century. Bernen
dc.subjectBerlinen
dc.subjectBruxellesen
dc.subjectFrankfurt/Men
dc.subjectNew Yorken
dc.subjectOxforden
dc.subjectWien: Peter Langen
dc.subject2003. 13. Falcken
dc.subjectSen
dc.subjectvon Hoferen
dc.subjectHen
dc.subjectStorgaarden
dc.subjectA. Nordic criminal statistics 1950–2000. Stockholm: Department of Criminologyen
dc.subjectStockholm Universityen
dc.subject2003. https://www.su.se/download/18.16e68fb219937120b117561/1758040808875/Nordic%20 Criminal%20statistics%201950-2000Nordic%20Criminal%20Statistics%201950 %E2 %80 %932000.pdf (Accessed: 02.03.2026) REFERENCES: 1. Romanov M. V. (2026) Bih po kolu: shcho ne tak z proiektom Zakonu «Pro penitentsiarnu systemu»: materialy IV Vseuk. nauk-prakt. konf. (m. Khmelnytskyien
dc.subject13 bereznia 2026) «Aktualni problemy pravookhoronnoi diialnosti v umovakh dii pravovoho rezhymu voiennoho stanu». Khmelnytskyi: Nats. akadem. derzh. prykordon. sluzhby. 2026 2. Vkhid zaboroneno! Abo trokhy pro zminy do st. 24 KVK Ukrainy. URL: https://archive.khpg.org/pk/index. php?id=1556871823 3. Yevhen Pikalov: reforma penitentsiarnoi systemy ye chastynoi dorozhnoi karty yevropeiskoi intehratsii. URL: https:// sud.ua/uk/news/publication/325628-evgeniy-pikalov-reforma-penitentsiarnoy-sistemy-yavlyaetsya-chastyudorozhnoy-karty-evropeyskoy-integratsii Михайло РОМАНОВen
dc.subjectкандидат юридичних наукen
dc.subjectдоцентen
dc.subjectНауково-дослідний інститут вивчення проблем злочинності імені академіка В. В. Сташиса Національної академії правових наук Україниen
dc.subjectстарший науковий співробітник відділу вивчення проблем кримінально-виконавчого права ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8236-5780 e-mail: rmih@ukr.net КОНЦЕПТУАЛЬНИЙ ПІДХІД У РЕФОРМУВАННІ ПЕНІТЕНЦІАРНОЇ СИСТЕМИ ФІНЛЯНДІЇ В Україні знов активізувалися процеси реформування пенітенціарної системи. Наразі готується проєкт закону «Про пенітенціарну систему». У зв’язку з цим особливо важливим стає вивчення та врахування позитивного досвіду інших країнen
dc.subjectяким вдалося успішно пройти цей шлях. Дослідження присвячено розгляду підходів та методівen
dc.subjectякі були використані під час запровадження реформ у тюремній системі Фінляндії. Ця країна ще п’ятдесят років тому мала найвищий показник засуджених до позбавлення волі серед країн Європи. Але прагматичний підхід до реформen
dc.subjectїх чітке концептуальне усвідомлення та обґрунтуванняen
dc.subjectпослідовне впровадження призвели до тогоen
dc.subjectщо сьогодні ця країна є одним із взірців функціонуючої та ефективної служби з виконання покарань. Причому ця система не має ознак каральності та високого рівня порушень прав людини. У статті відзначаєтьсяen
dc.subjectщо саме формулювання концепції та очікувань від пенітенціарної системиen
dc.subjectа також врахування готовності суспільства підтримувати саме такий напрям діяльностіen
dc.subjectпризвели до успішності перетворень. Пенітенціарна система Фінляндії побудована на принципах скорочення строків позбавлення волі і скорочення випадків застосування цього покарання. Воно здебільшого заміняється штрафамиen
dc.subjectа у разі реального застосування – передбачає можливість переходу до більш м’яких санкцій чи навіть звільнення. Система ґрунтується на гуманному ставленні до засудженихen
dc.subjectїх повній підтримці та готовності приймати у вільне суспільство без суттєвих заперечень. Фінський варіант суспільства «загального добробуту» має розгалужену та добре побудовану систему соціальної підтримкиen
dc.subjectяка готова до роботи із засудженими. Також підкреслюєтьсяen
dc.subjectщо такий підхід в цілому є результатом тогоen
dc.subjectщо Фінляндія належить до країн так званих консенсуальних демократійen
dc.subjectщо в цілому зумовлює застосування інших методів вирішення соціальних проблем та викликів. Загальним висновком у статті є акцентування уваги на томуen
dc.subjectщо досвід інших країн є вкрай важливим для успішних реформ та змін. У той самий час Україна має значні соціальні та політичні відмінностіen
dc.subjectякі сьогодні помножені на поточний воєнний стан. Всі ці особливості потрібноen
dc.subjectбезумовноen
dc.subjectбрати до увагиen
dc.subjectале це не означаєen
dc.subjectщо використання позитивних прикладів не може бути враховано. Тому пропонується починати реформу пенітенціарної служби саме з визначення довготривалої та стійкої концепції функціонування цієї службиen
dc.subjectпослідовної інтеграції пенітенціарної системи в загальну структуру соціальних інститутівen
dc.subjectвстановлення сталих та надійних зв’язків між цими інститутами. Ключові слова: пенітенціарна системаen
dc.subjectреформа системи тюрем у Фінляндіїen
dc.subjectконцепція пенітенціарної системиen
dc.subjectреформа пенітенціарної системи Україниen
dc.subject.classificationУДК 343.8
dc.titleКонцептуальний підхід у реформуванні пенітенціарної системи Фінляндіїuk
dc.title.alternativeConceptual approach to reforming the Finnish penitentiary systemen
dc.typeArticle

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